By Maurice Cowling
The passage of the Reform invoice of 1867 is likely one of the significant difficulties in nineteenth-century British background. Mr Cowling offers a full-scale clarification, in line with a variety of archive fabric, together with 4 significant manuscript collections now not formerly used. Mr Cowling can pay equivalent realization to the view taken by means of Parliament of the category constitution and to the pursuits and methods of politicians in Parliament and outdoors. He units this exact historic narrative in an analytical framework, the assumptions of which he discusses at size.
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Extra resources for 1867 Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the Second Reform Bill
The restraint they put on the League was put, not just out of dislike of violence but from fear of the reaction of respectable opinion at large and of the Liberal party in the House of Commons. Bright's rhetoric was militant and forceful. He talked the language of power, threatened to use it and predicted downfall for an aristocracy which failed to concede to the demands of the class of which he was the self-appointed mouthpiece. Yet the attacks on aristocracy in the autumn and winter of 1866, the demand— 33 CDG DISRAELI, GLADSTONE AND REVOLUTION cautiously hedged in and explained away as soon as made—for an extensive transfer to tenants of the estates of absentee Irish landowners1 and the warnings of violence if a Reform bill were not passed2 do not exhaust the story of Bright's relations with public agitation.
Have set forth in plain colours the differences between revolution and reform, and ought to have prepared men's minds to accept a fair settlement of the question ',3 that 'Bright's progress and speeches . . have produced the same feeling among the professional and mercantile classes in Scotland as.. e. agreement] in deprecating any reduction of the borough franchise',4 or that 'it is everyone's duty to keep Mr Bright and his friends out... [by introducing] "a wise and moderate measure"'. 3 ' It has not been the mob' wrote a Cabinet Minister after watching the Home Secretary at close quarters in July 1866 'that has frightened me so much [during a most] anxious week...
They did not spend the winter of 1866 preparing some comfortable Chislehurst in Spain, Portugal or the Azores: apart from six weeks in London for Cabinet meetings and the Guildhall dinner, they spent the winter as they had for many years past, at Hughenden and Knowsley. 1 Since many of Beales's and Potter's followers spent half a guinea to take part in demonstrations,2 their political judgement was probably accurate. It is true, as Hansard and the letters of politicians reveal, that there was, in Parliament in these years, acute and continuing consciousness of public opinion and working-class feeling.